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History is the lie most commonly agreed on
Pearl
Harbor: Mother of all conspiracies "...everything that the Japanese were planning to do was known President Roosevelt (FDR) provoked the attack, knew about it in advance and covered up his failure to warn the Hawaiian commanders. FDR needed the attack to sucker Hitler to declare war, since the public and Congress were overwhelmingly against entering the war in Europe. It was his backdoor to war. FDR blinded the commanders at Pearl Harbor and set them up by -
Statistics - Roosevelt was directly responsible for the following:
Deaths: 2403; Wounded 1,178. Eighteen ships were sunk or seriously damaged including 5 battleships (USS Arizona photo). 188 planes were destroyed and 162 were damaged.
Out of an attack force of 31 ships and 353 raiding planes the Japanese lost: Conclusion - Roosevelt was a TRAITOR The US was warned by, at least, the governments of Britain, Netherlands, Australia, Peru, Korea and the Soviet Union that a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor was coming. All important Japanese codes were broken. FDR and Marshall and others knew the attack was coming, allowed it and covered up their knowledge. It's significant that both the the chief of OP-20-G Safford and Friedman of Army SIS, the two people in the world that knew what we decoded, said that FDR knew Pearl Harbor was going to be attacked.
Pearl Harbor was not about war with Japan - Most important was the promise FDR had made to the American people - solemnly given and repeated--not to send their sons into foreign war unless attacked (audio). He did not mind violating that pledge. He merely feared the political effect of the violation. Alsop and Kintner, White House columnist pets, had written a short time before that "He (Roosevelt) does not feel he can openly violate them (his pledges). But he can get around them the smart way." They explained this meant getting the Germans to shoot first. Then he could shoot back. But it was clear to him by November that the Germans were not going to shoot first. But FDR knew that he could force the Japanese to do so. Hitler would not declare war if US unbeatable
War with Japan was a given because they had to attack the Philippines. If
Japan's fleet were destroyed, it would defeat the purpose. It would have been
obvious suicide for Hitler to declare war if Japan were crippled - it would
allow the US to attack him without even the possibility of a two-front war. That
was what he had just been avoiding for months. The plan could only work if
Japan's attack succeeded. The lure of a weakened US in a two-front war focused
on Japan seemed to make a German war declaration cost-free. But it was all a
trap - FDR was always going to ignore Japan and go after Hitler, for his
ultimate goal was to save his beloved Soviet Communism. CHURCHILL--FDR KNEW. Did FDR know that Pearl Harbor was a Japanese
target? J. Edgar Hoover told his friends in early 1942 that FDR had known about the Pearl Harbor plan since the early fall. It was totally in character for FDR to concoct such a plan. Not only had the US Senate already censured FDR for utterly lacking moral perspective, but as Walter Lippmann wrote: "his purposes are not simple and his methods are not direct." COVERUP BY SECRECY. Why does the government refuse to release all the messages to the attack fleet, or any JN-25 messages decoded before Dec 7? There is absolutely nothing about national security to hide in JN-25. It is a trivial and worthless 19th century code. The techniques for cracking it had been published world-wide in 1931. The US government has proudly showed how they used JN-25 decrypts after December 8 to win the Battle of Midway which occurred 7 months after Pearl Harbor. Therefore, there is nothing intrinsic about the code itself, the means of cracking it, or the fact that we cracked it, that has any national security implications of any nature. What is the difference between decrypts from the Purple machine and decrypts from JN-25? The answer is simply that the JN-25 messages contained the final operational details of the Pearl Harbor attack, whereas the Purple did not. WHAT ARE THEY HIDING? Why won't they let the truth out? Such secrecy breeds mistrust in government. The only thing that is left to hide are JN-25 decrypts and worksheets showing that the US and Britain monitored the Japanese attack fleet all the way to Pearl Harbor. That is the scandal. That is the big secret. It raises the issue of whether the NSA is accessory after the fact to treason. However, the secrecy and misdirection by the NSA about our capabilities with JN-25B and pre-war messages proves there is something very wrong. The NSA has systematically lied about the size of the JN25 books by a factor of 4 and about how many codebreakers worked on the code in 1941 by a factor of 22. The NSA is an evil Gestapo that is committed neither to truth nor open government nor the rule of law. We live an Orwellian history in which treason is honored, in which FDR's murder of thousands of young innocent men is good. In a word, we are no different from the tyranny we decry. A self-governing people must have truth to make proper decisions. By subverting the truth, the National Security Agency is subverting our Democracy.
Tokyo had to send the daily bomb-plots, cabled from its Honolulu consulate, to the attack fleet by JN-25 radio messages. The pilots had to get their target information. "The news of the position of enemy ships in Pearl Harbor comes again and again." - Lt. Cmdr. Chigusa, executive officer of the attack fleet's Akigumo in his diary, December 4, 1941 (At Dawn We Slept, G. Prange, page 453). FDR got it, too. FDR knew the Japanese pilots' targets as well as they did, because he got their bomb-plots when they did. He had their specific targets, ship by ship, in his hands at the White House. These messages would prove absolutely that FDR knew that the attack fleet's target was Pearl Harbor and therefore are not released. The unnecessary and illogical secrecy about pre-December 7, 1941, JN-25 decoding is conclusive evidence that there was wrongdoing at the highest levels.
FDR was a traitor for maneuvering Japan into war with US - and that is known and admitted - FDR was a traitor for sacrificing American lives, for putting America in danger, for usurping the Constitutional power of Congress to make war. Day of infamy, indeed; he chose his words precisely with a hidden double-meaning. Four days before the attack, FDR could have sent telegrams of condolence to the families of the sailors he was going to allow to be killed. Even today there is a coverup, based on a transparently bogus excuse of national security, that shows that our government cannot face the truth about what happened a half-century ago. Truth we owe the men of Pearl Harbor. Until we tell the full truth, we dishonor them and every soldier and sailor who gave their life for their country. Should their lives have been sacrificed for treason and no one know, they had died in vain. If their honor cover treason - we are not a nation of law. The Air Corps in the Philippines and the Navy at Pearl were FDR's bait, the oil embargo was his stick, the end of negotiations was the tripwire in FDR's game of shame - a game of death for so many. Roosevelt aided and abetted the murder of thousands of Americans. This definitive Revisionist Bible presents incontrovertible proof that the United States read the main Japanese fleet code JN-25 prior to Pearl Harbor. It shows exactly how it was broken. This book by far has more recent documents, more secret documents, and more important secret documents (including several that were not supposed to be released) than any book on Pearl Harbor ever written. It is the best book on the event that changed history, the most important public crime of modern times, our entry into World War II. This resulted in the immediate loss of over thirty million lives, an ultimate cost of more than fifteen trillion dollars, incredible suffering, and a military-scientific-technological-industrial aftermath which may wipe out the human race. Revelations from Pearl Harbor Mother of All Conspiracies: The publication for the first time of the pre-attack Navy intelligence analysis proving Washington knew the Japanese carrier fleet was going to attack Pearl Harbor. More details on how FDR served his Communist Slavemaster The central fact of the 20th Century is that FDR at Yalta delivered 725 million human beings into communist slavery.
To understand the treason at Yalta, is to understand Roosevelt. All of his actions were bent in the same direction - dead left. He unceasingly promoted Communism at home and abroad to the full extent and possibility of his office. FDR was a hard-core Marxist as proved by his speeches - in his first inaugural he proposed 3 planks of the Communist Manifesto. In his first inaugural address, he proposed national land redistribution! Karl Marx explained his plan to destroy all constitutional government: "The surest way to overturn the social order is to debauch the currency." FDR carried that out with a vengeance by taking the US off the gold standard and confiscating all gold. ________________________________________________________________ Pearl
Harbor: FDR knew
Churchill wrote in his Nobel Prize winning series on WWII that FDR knew about the Japanese plans to attack Pearl Harbor. The following is from pages 602-603 of THE GRAND ALLIANCE, c1950. Churchill makes these points about his good friend and colleague FDR, accusing him of treason while knowing that the facts would eventually come out:
CHURCHILL: "A prodigious Congressional Inquiry published its findings in 1946 in which every detail was exposed of the events leading up to the war between the United States and Japan and of the failure to send positive "Alert" orders through the military departments to their fleets and garrisons in exposed situations. Every detail, including the decoding of secret Japanese telegrams and their actual texts, has been exposed to the world in forty volumes. The strength of the United States was sufficient to enable them to sustain this hard ordeal required by the spirit of the American Constitution. I do not intend in these pages to attempt to pronounce judgment upon this tremendous episode in American history. We know that all the great Americans round the President and in his confidence felt, as acutely as I did, the awful danger that Japan would attack British or Dutch possessions in the Far East, and it would carefully avoid the United States, and that in consequence Congress would not sanction an American declaration of war...The President and his trusted friends had long realized the grave risks of United States neutrality in the war against Hitler and what he stood for, and had writhed under the restraints of a Congress whose House of Representatives had a few months before passed by only a single vote the necessary renewal of compulsory military service, without which their Army would have been almost disbanded in the midst of the world convulsion. Roosevelt, Hull, Stimson, Knox, General Marshall, Admiral Stark, and, as a link between them all, Harry Hopkins, had but one mind... A Japanese attack upon the United States was a vast simplification of their problems and their duty. How can we wonder that they regarded the actual form of the attack, or even its scale, as incomparably less important than the fact that the whole American nation would be united for its own safety in a rightous cause as never before? To them, as to me, it seemed that for Japan to attack and make war upon the United States would be an act of suicide. Moreover, they knew, earlier than we in Britain could know, the full and immediate purpose of their enemy. We remember how Cromwell exclaimed when he watched the Scottish army descending from the heights over Dunbar, "The Lord hath delivered them into our hands." "Nor must we allow the account in detail of diplomatic interchanges to portray Japan as an injured innocent seeking only a reasonable measure of expansion or booty from the European war, and now confronted by the United States with propositions which her people, fanatically aroused and fully prepared, could not be expected to accept. For long years Japan had been torturing China by her wicked invasions and subjugations. Now by her seizure of Indo-China she had in fact, as well as formally by the Tripartite Pact, thrown her lot with the Axis Powers. Let her do what she dared and take the consequences. "It had seemed impossible that Japan would court destruction by war with Britain and United States, and probably Russia in the end. A declaration of war by Japan could not be reconciled with reason. I felt sure she would be ruined for a generation by such a plunge, and this proved true. But governments and people do not always take rational decisions. Sometimes they take mad decisions, or one set of people get control who compel all others to obey and aid them in folly..." _______________________________________________________________ The
Conspiracies of Empire
Day
of Deceit: The Truth About FDR and Pearl Harbor
While many have assumed Rothbard was only being half serious, a new book on the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor by Robert B. Stinnett offers compelling evidence that Murray had it right. The truth that emerges as one makes his way through this exhaustively researched volume is of an American political and military establishment whose brilliance is exceeded only by its utter lack of moral scruple or genuine patriotism. Sixty years after the fateful attack, Stinnett has uncovered, presented, and substantiated the truth behind Pearl Harbor. It is now clear that FDR did know the Japanese attack was coming. He knew more than a year in advance of Japanese plans to bomb the United States’ Pacific fleet at Pearl, and he knew more than a week before that the attack would come early Sunday morning. He knew because American naval intelligence had cracked the Japanese naval codes in the early fall of 1940, 15 months before the fateful attack. The smoke had barely cleared from Pearl Harbor before rightwing journalists, cranky poets, and some Republican politicians began suspecting that somehow Pearl Harbor was all a set-up. Since then, revisionist historians have contended that FDR both provoked and welcomed the war; and some even charged that he knew of the attack beforehand. Establishment historians and government officials countered these charges by insisting that the attack was indeed a surprise due to a failure of American intelligence and incompetence in the naval high command. Stinnett quotes historian Stephen E. Ambrose who claimed, as recently as a 1999 Wall Street Journal editorial, that "the real problem was that American intelligence was terrible." According to Ambrose (who echoes the official story), the navy had not yet broken the Japanese naval codes, and the Japanese task force maintained strict radio silence on its way to Hawaii. As a result, "in late November, intelligence ‘lost’ the Japanese aircraft carrier fleet." Other historians have contended that the Japanese caught us by surprise due to faulty analysis of pretty good intelligence, bureaucratic squabbling among high-level naval officers in Washington, underestimation of Japanese daring and capabilities, and expectations that the attack would come against Dutch or British possessions in East Asia, not against Hawaii. Stinnett exposes each one of these theories to be false. For instance, he amply demonstrates that the ships of the Japanese carrier fleet engaged in daily radio communication with the high command in Japan, military commands in the Central Pacific, and with each other. Stinnett found out the truth by reading American naval intelligence radio intercepts of the Japanese transmissions. American intelligence did not lose the carriers. How did Stinnett manage to uncover the truth when congressional investigations (in both 1945-1946 and 1995) failed to do so? The answer lies in Stinnett’s intelligence, integrity, and unflagging research effort (lasting 17 years), qualities that we know from experience are all too lacking in congressional investigations. But it also lies in a crucial Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request filed by the author in 1983. In that year, Stinnett learned of the existence of the Pacific War communications intelligence files of the United States Navy (a top secret file containing over one million documents relating to U.S. communication intelligence before and during the war). The author’s request was at first denied, but in 1994 the navy decided to declassify the records, or at least most of them. As the Stinnett soon discovered, key intercepts and documents were kept back, some were missing from the records, and other documents had been altered to conceal vital information. However, enough information was released, perhaps inadvertently, to enable Stinnett to piece together the truth. American communication intelligence operations in the Pacific theater was primarily a naval operation. The intelligence network was composed of 21 radio intercept stations located along the North American coast from Panama to Alaska and on Pacific islands from Hawaii to the Philippines. As Stinnett demonstrates, well over 90 percent of all Japanese radio transmissions were intercepted by one or more of these stations. Once intercepted, these messages were sent to one of three regional control centers, two of which were also cryptographic centers, and from there they were sent on to Station US in Washington, the headquarters for naval communications intelligence. Of course, all official Japanese communications were in code. Diplomatic messages were sent in the Purple, Tsu, or Oite codes; naval communications in one of 29 codes called the Kaigun Ango, the most important of which were the 5-Num (naval operations), SM (naval movement), S (merchant marine), and Yobidashi Fugo (radio call sign) codes. Stinnett conclusively demonstrates that American cryptologists (codebreakers) had broken all four naval codes by October of 1940. (American intelligence had broken Japanese diplomatic codes even before: Tsu in the 1920s, Oite in 1939, and Purple in September 1940. As a result, cryptologists could intercept, decipher, and translate almost all Japanese diplomatic and military radio traffic within a matter of hours after receiving them. The decryption (decoding) and translating was done at three cryptographic centers: Station CAST on Corregidor in the Philippines; Station HYPO on Oahu; and Station US in Washington. The resulting intelligence information was then sent to top U.S. military, naval, and cabinet officials, including the president (about 36 individuals in all). However, as Stinnett meticulously and thoroughly demonstrates, crucial intelligence information indicating a Japanese strike at Pearl was deliberately withheld from both Lt. Gen. Walter Short, commander of army forces on Hawaii, and Admiral Husband E. Kimmell, commander of the Pacific fleet. Roosevelt and his advisers had set up these two distinguished officers to be the fall guys for the catastrophe at Pearl. The story of their betrayal by friends and colleagues in the naval high command, all of whom knew of the impending attack and Roosevelt’s strategy of provocation, is heartrending. In addition to the interception and decryption of Japanese radio transmissions, most of the radio intercept stations were equipped with radio direction finders (RDF) which allowed trained operators to pinpoint the exact location of specific Japanese warships once their distinct radio call sign was identified. By means of RDF, naval intelligence experts were able to track the movement of the Japanese carrier force as it approached Pearl Harbor. Stinnett’s findings confirm the truthfulness of the claim made by the Dutch naval attaché to the United States, Captain Johan Ranneft, that while on visits to the Office of Naval Intelligence in Washington on December 2 and 6 he saw intelligence maps tracking the movement of Japanese carriers eastward toward Hawaii. Also, his findings support the testimony of Robert Ogg who claims that while on assignment to the 12th Naval District in San Francisco he located (by means of RDF intelligence) the Japanese fleet north of Hawaii three days before the attack. Perhaps the single most important document discovered by Stinnett is a 7 October 1940 memorandum written by Lt. Commander Arthur H. McCollum, head of the Far East desk of the Office of Naval Intelligence. McCollum’s memo outlines a strategic policy designed to goad the Japanese into committing "an overt act of war" against the United States. McCollum writes that such a strategy is necessary because "it is not believed that in the present state of political opinion the United States government is capable of declaring war against Japan without more ado." McCollum suggests eight specific "actions" that the United States should take to bring about this result. The key one is "Action F" which calls for keeping "the main strength" of the U.S. Pacific Fleet "in the vicinity of the Hawaiian Islands." McCollum concludes his memo by stating that "if by these means Japan could be led to commit an overt act of war, so much the better." Stinnett has little trouble demonstrating that the strategy outlined in this memo became the official policy of the Roosevelt administration. Not only was the memorandum endorsed by Capt. Dudley Knox, one of Roosevelt’s most trusted military advisers, but White House routing logs demonstrate that Roosevelt received the memorandum; and over the next year, Roosevelt put every one of the eight suggested actions into effect. He implemented the last one (Action H) on 26 July 1941 when he ordered a complete embargo of all U.S. trade with Japan. Roosevelt’s summer embargo was the culmination of another very clever administration policy, namely helping the Japanese to build up their military oil reserves just enough to encourage them to attack the United States but not enough to enable them to win a long war. In the summer of 1940, Roosevelt took two actions designed to implement this truly Machiavellian plan. First, he signed a bill authorizing a massive American naval build up designed to create a two-ocean navy. Second, he required American companies to obtain a government license before selling any petroleum products or scrap metal to Japan. For the next 12 months, the administration readily granted export permits to American firms selling raw materials to Japan, and Japanese oil tankers and merchant vessels could be seen loading up on scrap iron and petroleum at America’s West Coast ports. Meanwhile, American naval intelligence, using radio direction finding (RDF), tracked the tankers to the Japanese naval oil depot at Tokuyama. Roosevelt’s strategists calculated that helping the Japanese build up a two-year supply of reserves would be about right. That way, if war broke out in the second half of 1941, the Japanese would run out of oil in mid to late 1943, just as American wartime industrial production would be peaking and her massive carrier fleets (100 proposed carriers) would be ready to go on the offensive. In July 1941, Roosevelt took the final step and, together with the British and Dutch, imposed an embargo on the sale of petroleum, iron, and steel to Japan (McCollum’s Action H). The trap had now been laid, and the Japanese were not slow to fall for it. Stinnett does not ignore the moral dimensions of the Roosevelt strategy. How did those who knew the attack was coming justify the deliberate sacrifice of over three thousand American lives? A bone-chilling comment by Lt. Commander Joseph J. Rochefort, commander of Station HYPO at Pearl Harbor, provides the answer. In a postwar assessment of the attack made to a naval historian, he remarked of Pearl Harbor that "it was a pretty cheap price to pay for unifying the country." There you have it. Massive deception, lying, the sacrifice of military careers, the betrayal of friends and fellow officers, and the deaths of thousands of American servicemen – all is justified for the cause of inciting a peaceful people to go to war. Stinnett himself is far from being unsympathetic to Roosevelt’s strategy. He agrees with the pre-war interventionists that America needed to go to war against the Axis powers. According to Stinnett, Roosevelt and his advisers "faced a terrible dilemma." The public was overwhelmingly opposed to entering the war, and in a democracy the people are supposed to rule. Yet, Roosevelt believed this war would be both necessary and just. What to do? In the end, they decided that "something had to be endured in order to stop a greater evil." Here we have yet another example of Americans making use of the doctrine that the end justifies the means. Americans are quick to deny the ethical legitimacy of this doctrine when it is presented to them as a naked proposition, yet there is no doctrine that they more readily turn to in order to justify morally questionable practices. Do not those who defend the nuclear holocaust of Hiroshima and Nagasaki argue as their first line of defense that it was morally justified because it saved American lives? And can we not expect to hear in the near future from those who can no longer deny the truth, "Roosevelt’s duplicity was justified because it was necessary to stop Hitler." The Christian’s response to this question was articulated by Paul two thousand years ago: "And why not say, ‘Let us do evil that good may come’? – as we are slanderously reported and as some affirm that we say. Their condemnation is just." (Romans 3:8 NKJV). We owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. Stinnett. Not only has he uncovered the truth behind Pearl Harbor, but in so doing he has exposed one of the greatest cover stories, or con jobs, of all time – American prewar naval intelligence and high command as keystone cop. After sixty years, America’s brave band of revisionist historians have been vindicated, while her servile crop of court historians have been pretty much disgraced. December
9, 2000
Debunking movie
myths: Some class truth about Pearl Harbor
A young couple's romance is disrupted by a foreign enemy's unprovoked attack on a peaceful Pacific isle. That's the mythical tale depicted in "Pearl Harbor," the blockbuster film produced by the Walt Disney Co., chock full of Hollywood stars and state-of-the-art special effects. "Pearl Harbor" opened Memorial Day weekend to unprecedented commercial and political hype. It claims to tell the story of the Dec. 7, 1941, Japanese air attack on the U.S. Navy station in Hawaii. The film depicts a reluctant United States being dragged into World War II by Japanese aggression. With the Pentagon's blessing, the producers shot much of the film aboard Navy vessels at the real Pearl Harbor. Ironically, the film's release coincides with the U.S. government's behind-the-scenes effort to bolster resurgent militarist forces in Japan with the aim of building an imperialist military alliance against the People's Republic of China. Untold millions of Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese and other Asian peasants and workers died fighting Japan's brutal colonial occupation of their countries during the 1930s and 1940s. A film like "Pearl Harbor" has the potential to mislead millions of workers and young people about the real nature of World War II and the U.S. role in it. Japanese American and other Asian American groups say it could also spark a new wave of racist violence against Asian people in this country. They note that all of the Asian people in the film are depicted as enemies. At a Los Angeles rally calling for a boycott of "Pearl Harbor," Floyd Mori, president of the Japanese American Citizens League, said, "No matter what we achieve ... how far we've come in this country, when the topic of Pearl Harbor comes up, we're always dragged back to the event." (Reuters, May 21) Other speakers noted that there's no mention of the U.S. atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the war's end, nor of the round-up of Japanese American civilians into prison camps. What workers need to know So what is it that Disney, the Pentagon and crew are trying to hide behind the love story and multi-million-dollar special effects? First of all, for the U.S. government, big business and the military, World War II wasn't a "war against fascism." It was a war among the imperialist powers to redivide the world's riches. In the Pacific, that meant a war with Japan for control of the natural resources, labor and markets of Asia. Wall Street and Washington were itching for a fight. "Pearl Harbor, in a military-political sense, was very much like the beginning of the Spanish-American War," wrote Vince Copeland, the founding editor of Workers World, in his 1968 pamphlet "Expanding Empire." "The Battleship Maine was sunk in Havana Harbor in 1898, and Washington used it as an excuse to declare war on Spain. But Spain needed the sinking of the Maine like it needed the proverbial hole in the head. And U.S. big business needed a war with Spain. "This is not to say that the Dec. 7, 1941, attack was in itself a hoax or that the Japanese did not really kill over 3,000 U.S. sailors by sending them to the bottom of Pearl Harbor," Copeland continued. "They did. But some thoughtful people later considered it strange that the Japanese imperialists should have done something so 'stupid' as to bring the U.S. into the war against them just when they had their hands full in China and had taken over Indochina from the French imperialists. ... Why on earth would the Japanese want the powerful U.S. to make war on them at just such a time, when they needed U.S. neutrality more than anything else?" he asked. "The fact is that the Japan-U.S. war was inevitable, given the U.S.-Japanese antagonisms over markets, possessions and economic colonies in Asia. But the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor was not at all inevitable. It was not the inevitable beginning of the war. "On the contrary," Copeland asserted, "this attack was deliberately maneuvered by the politicians of big business, led at that time by Franklin D. Roosevelt." BLOOD FOR OIL It must be remembered that Japan wasn't the only brutal colonial power in Asia. Britain ruled India and Hong Kong with an iron fist. France dominated Southeast Asia. The United States had taken possession of the Philippines, Guam and other Pacific islands during the Spanish-American War. From 1900 onward, Washington bloodily suppressed continual uprisings by the Filipino people. And then there was Hawaii itself, the site of Pearl Harbor-robbed from its Indigenous inhabitants by U.S. gunboat diplomacy. Although Pearl Harbor is best remembered, Japan also targeted U.S. military bases throughout the Pacific on Dec. 7, 1941. The war between Japan and the United States had its roots in the imperialist redivision of the world that took place after World War I ended. At that time Washington became the senior partner in the U.S.-British-Japanese alliance that dominated China. In the book "A Political History of Japanese Capitalism," Jon Halliday writes about the agreement signed at a 1921 Washington conference on China: "The imperialist powers who gathered at Washington all agreed on one thing: that they should continue to plunder China and exploit the Chinese people. In [Japanese Premier] Saito's words, the arrangement 'which emerged from the Washington Conference could be said to be based on a new form of suppressing China.'" But Japan's ruling class and military caste chafed in the role of "junior partner" assigned to them by the Western imperialists-especially after the Great Depression took hold. Following the capitalist law of "expand or die," Japan came into open conflict with U.S.-British domination of the region and of China in particular. As Japanese exports grew to the detriment of the Western powers, and as the Japanese army clashed with the U.S.-backed Nationalist army of Chiang Kai-shek in China, Washington hit back with tariffs and racist laws banning Asian immigration and property ownership. "Although most of Southeast Asia was in the hands of European powers, Japan's key negotiations were with the United States," wrote Halliday. "This was not primarily because of America's colonial possession in Asia, the Philippines, but because of America's key role in Japan's trade, particularly in strategic raw materials. "The United States began seriously to squeeze Japan in July 1940 when it introduced a licensing system for certain U.S. exports to that country. The two crucial items, crude oil and scrap iron, were added to the list after Japan occupied Northern Indochina in September 1940. A full embargo followed on July 26, 1941. "The American embargo, particularly on oil, severely limited Japan's ability to maneuver," Halliday explained. "Much of Japanese diplomacy prior to December 1941 was taken up with trying to secure supplies of oil. ... Prior to Pearl Harbor, Japan had only about 18 months' supply."In November 1941, when the talks with Washington were already well advanced, Japan proposed universal non-discrimination in commercial relations in the Pacific area, including China, if this principle were adopted throughout the world. To the United States ... this was 'unthinkable.' Japan was, on the whole, eager to reach a settlement and offered considerable concessions to this end." Halliday concludes that "America could certainly have reached a temporary settlement within the framework of an imperialist carve-up which gave Japan slightly more than it had been granted in Washington in 1921-22. It was America which turned down the Japanese proposal for a summit meeting between Premier Konoe and Roosevelt in autumn 1941. And it was Secretary of State Cordell Hull's outright rejection of Japan's proposals of Nov. 7, 1941, which brought negotiations to a halt." 'WE WERE LIKELY TO BE ATTACKED' U.S. imperialism, Copeland writes in "Expanding Empire," maneuvered Japan into "firing the first shot" so that Washington would appear to be waging a defensive war. This was vital, since anti-war sentiment remained strong at home. Copeland refers to a revealing document first published in the 1947 book "President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War" by historian Charles A. Beard. It's an excerpt from the diary of Roosevelt's Secretary of War, Henry L. Stimson, dated Nov. 25, 1941-about two weeks before the Pearl Harbor attack. "Then at 12 o'clock we went to the White House, where we were until nearly half past one," Stimson wrote. "At the meeting were Hull, Knox, Marshall, Stark and myself. There the President ... brought up entirely the relations with the Japanese. He brought up the event that we were likely to be attacked perhaps next Monday, for the Japanese are notorious for making an attack without warning, and the question was what should we do. "The question was how much we should maneuver them into the position of firing the first shot without allowing too much danger to ourselves." So the political and military leaders in Washington, especially after they moved to choke off Japan's lifeline of oil, knew an attack was coming. It was, after all, the pretext they were hoping for to extend U.S. military and economic control in Asia. But no warning was given to the sailors at Pearl Harbor. - END - (Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but changing it is not allowed. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: ww@workers.org. For subscription info send message to: info@workers.org. Web: http://www.workers.org) _________________________________________________________________ Time for government to reveal truth about Pearl Harbor
Source: The Baltimore Sun Published: December 7, 2001 PHILADELPHIA -- Early that Tuesday morning, terrorist suicide crews piloting hijacked jetliners killed an estimated 4,000 people from 86 countries. Quickly labeled the Pearl Harbor of 2001, Sept. 11 has been acknowledged as a massive intelligence-gathering failure at the highest levels. On that infamous Sunday morning 60 years ago today, against the Pearl Harbor naval base in Hawaii, Japanese Adm. Chuichi Nagumo's Operation Z carrier task force launched its attack that destroyed nearly 200 American aircraft, sank five battleships, severely damaged three cruisers, three destroyers and three auxiliaries, and killed 2,476 U.S. servicemen and civilians. Flagrant absence of advance intelligence? On the contrary. Numerous reports and warning signs all pointed toward the coming debacle, and the sheer mass of transcribed radio intercepts bordered on overwhelming. The problem? Tactical surprise exacerbated by incredible incompetence and miscommunication. The cover-up continues to this day. For six decades, questions have festered: How could U.S. military intelligence have overlooked immediate Japanese translation of Hector Bywater's 1925 novel The Great Pacific War (featuring a surprise Japanese assault on the U.S. fleet at Pearl Harbor) for inclusion in the curriculum of their Naval War College? Why were our Navy and the War Department blind to results of the 1932 Army-Navy war game attack on Pearl -- and to the success of a similar Sunday morning exercise in 1927? Why did they overlook 1940's victorious British carrier raid against the Italian fleet in Taranto? Cmdr. Minoru Genda didn't: He used it in planning Nagumo's attack. What about dire warnings in the March 1941 Martin-Bellinger report? With U.S.-Japanese relations so tense by Dec. 7 that our carriers were reinforcing Midway Island with fighters, why were radar reports of huge numbers of incoming aircraft not taken seriously? Why no immediate war emergency alert when the destroyer Ward sank a Japanese minisub within the harbor? Further, experts still argue about U.S. decryption of Japanese naval codes. Stephen Budiansky, author of Battle of Wits, writes that newly discovered "documentary evidence ... decisively refutes the claim that JN-25 or any other high-level Japanese codes were being read in the months leading up to the Japanese attack." David Kahn, author of The Codebreakers, supports Navy cryptanalyst assertions that "no five-numeral messages were read before Pearl Harbor." But in his meticulously researched Day of Deceit, Robert B. Stinnett states, "Seven Japanese naval broadcasts intercepted between Nov. 28 and Dec. 6 confirmed that Japan intended to start the war and that it would begin at Pearl Harbor." Countering other assertions, two specialists identified for him 129 radio intercepts proving that the Japanese First Air Fleet did not maintain radio silence on the way to its launch point. But when did such messages actually get translated from the Japanese after initial decoding? Confusion reigns. When, for verification, Mr. Stinnett recently requested original documents from U.S. government files, the Navy refused to declassify some. Attorney General Janet Reno denied access to others (still labeled "National Defense Secrets" in 1999) and many released under the Freedom of Information Act had portions removed or entire passages blacked out. Several historians emphatically maintain that we had broken relevant Japanese codes and that key U.S. officials possessed vital advance information about the imminent attack. Others object with equal vehemence. But after 60 years, what information is still so threatening that the government refuses to release files proving what, in fact, was known? Rapidly diminishing ranks of American veterans who fought in the Pacific during World War II deserve the truth. So does the rest of the country. Lee Gaillard writes about defense and military technology. _________________________________________________________________
Links http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a393763d47f27.htm THE PEARL HARBOR DECEPTIONhttp://www.apfn.org/apfn/pearl_harbor.htm PEARL HARBOR ATTACK: THE GREAT DECEPTION President Roosevelt's Campaign To Incite War in Europe Mark Weber – Institute for Historical Review http://www.ihr.org/ This essay focuses on Roosevelt's secret campaign to provoke war in Europe prior to the outbreak of hostilities in September 1939. It deals particularly with his efforts to pressure Britain, France and Poland into war against Germany in 1938 and 1939. Franklin Roosevelt not only criminally involved America in a war that had already engulfed Europe. He bears a grave responsibility before history for the outbreak of the most destructive war of all time. This paper relies heavily on a little-known collection of secret Polish documents that fell into German hands when Warsaw was captured in September 1939.
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late Murray Rothbard often argued that far from being evidence of a
"paranoid" strain in the American mind, 
